Can Dehradun have a ‘Muslim University’?: A Constitutional question rather than a political issue.
Can Dehradun have a ‘Muslim University’?: A Constitutional question rather than a political issue.
By Khursheed Ahmed Siddique
The debate over establishing of a Muslim University in Dehradun is neither new nor unexpected. Similar objections surfaced years ago, and once again, the idea has triggered a political storm by the ruling BJP/Sangh Parivar. But beyond rhetoric and speculation lies a simple constitutional question: what is legally or morally wrong with a Muslim minority institution establishing a university in Uttarakhand?
Dehradun proudly calls itself an educational hub. The city hosts prestigious schools, central institutions, and a growing number of private universities. Yet, in a state where Muslims constitute around 14% of the population (Census 2011), the very idea of a Muslim-run university is treated with suspicion. “Why”?
The Indian Constitution provides a clear answer. Article 30(1) grants religious and linguistic minorities the fundamental right to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice. This is not a political concession; it is a constitutional guarantee. Article 29 further protects the right of any section of citizens to conserve its culture. These provisions were deliberately included by the framers of the Constitution to ensure that India’s diversity would be preserved, not suppressed.
The Supreme Court, in landmark judgments such as T.M.A. Pai Foundation v. State of Karnataka (2002) and P.A. Inamdar v. State of Maharashtra (2005), has reaffirmed that minorities have the right to establish and manage educational institutions, subject to reasonable regulations ensuring academic standards and transparency. In other words, autonomy does not mean immunity from law — but neither does regulation mean denial of rights.
Any proposed Muslim University in Dehradun would be governed by the University Grants Commission (UGC) Act, 1956, and other statutory regulations applicable to all universities. It would have to comply with national academic standards, professional regulatory bodies, and state laws. It cannot function outside the framework of Indian law. So where is the threat?
Uttarakhand has already sanctioned numerous private universities, many operating as commercial ventures. If profit-oriented institutions are acceptable, why should a charitable minority university be viewed as dangerous? If anything, such an institution could expand access to higher education, promote professional courses, and help integrate minority youth into mainstream academic and economic life.
The state’s recent moves to reform minority education, including replacing the Madarsa Education Board Act with a Minority Education Authority, have been presented as steps toward modernization — placing “a laptop in one hand and the Quran in the other” being the often narrated quote of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. If modernization and mainstreaming are genuine goals, then a UGC-recognized Muslim University offering secular, professional education aligns perfectly with that vision.
Concerns sometimes raised in the name of “security” or “social harmony” must be carefully scrutinized. Under Article 14 of the Constitution, state action must be fair, reasonable, and non-discriminatory. If land has been lawfully purchased and regulatory norms are met, denial of permission on vague grounds risks appearing arbitrary rather than principled.
India’s strength lies in its pluralism. Christian institutions, Sikh institutions, Hindu trusts, and Muslim organizations all run respected educational establishments across the country. Aligarh Muslim University, St. Stephen’s College, and numerous minority-run medical and technical institutions demonstrate that minority character and national contribution are not contradictions. They coexist.
The question, therefore, is whether Dehradun can have a Muslim University. Constitutionally, it can. The deeper question is whether we trust our own constitutional framework enough to allow it.
Minority educational institutions do not fragment society; they reflect its diversity. Denying them space undermines not only minority rights but also the constitutional promise of equality and fraternity.
A Muslim University in Dehradun would not be a symbol of separation. Properly regulated and academically sound, it would be a symbol of participation — of a community investing in education, professional excellence, and national development.
India’s Constitution does not ask minorities to seek permission to exist. It guarantees them the right to contribute.
( Khursheed Ahmed Siddique is a Muslim social activist.)
